Storm in Shuang Lin Monastery: Overseas Chinese Contribution in the 2nd Sino-Japanese War

By Chan Chow Wah

Introduction

“Storm in Shuang Lin” is part of a larger research prospect exploring multiple narratives of World War II in Singapore. Most of the materials from this period were in complex script and dialects. This paper gives an English-educated audience a glimpse of Chinese society and the lives of individuals during that period.

This paper explores:

• World War II and the events that lead to it, from the perspectives of the ordinary Chinese in Southeast Asia;

• Overseas Chinese contribution to the Sino-Japanese War, including the recruitment of volunteers to serve on the Burma Road; and

• Consequences for people who supported volunteers on the Burma Road and the execution of Venerable Pu Liang, Abbot of Shuang Lin monastery.

Most literature on the Burma Road focus on events and persons in China and Burma; “Storm in Shuang Lin” complements existing literature by focusing on the recruitment and training of volunteers in Singapore and the consequences for the people who supported them. The story of the execution of Venerable Pu Liang (普亮法师) had so far been transmitted orally among people familiar with Shuang Lin monastery’s history. There has been no published literature on this event, which has remained largely unknown.

This paper marks the transition from oral to written history. The raising of awareness of the China Relief Fund, the Burma Road volunteers and their supporters also address the concerns of Tan Kah Kee (陈嘉庚) that Overseas Chinese contribution in the Sino-Japanese war may be forgotten by later generations.¹

Overview

The paper is divided into three sections; Events, People, and Consequences.

“Events” presents an introduction to the political developments in post-Qing China. This is followed by a discussion of the social dynamics of the Chinese community in pre-World War II colonial Singapore. This global-local background offers a context to understand Overseas Chinese response to the Sino-Japanese War, leading to the recruitment and training of volunteers to serve on the Burma Road.

“People” unfolds events in the lives of two individuals — Wu Hui Min, (volunteer to the Burma Road) and Venerable Pu Liang — and their activities in mid/late 1939. Both individuals were ordinary people living in Singapore who did not know and who had never met each other. Through their respective actions, they crossed paths at Shuang Lin monastery without knowing of the presence of the other.

Their passage through the monastery was the turning point in their lives. Wu Hui Min participated in the Sino-Japanese War and eventually settled in China. After the fall of Singapore, the Japanese executed Venerable Pu Liang for his involvement with volunteers to the Burma Road. “Consequences” explores the Japanese reaction to Overseas Chinese support for China and reconstructs the arrest and execution of Venerable Pu Liang.

Events

World War II from the Chinese Perspective

The Qing Dynasty (满清皇朝) (1644–1911) ended with its last emperor abdicating through an edict in February 1912. However the new government of the Republic of China (中华民国政府) formed by the Kuomintang (国民党) had no real power. The dynasty’s collapse created a power vacuum over which regional powers and political parties wrestled for control of post-Qing China.

Internally, the first president of the Republic of China, Yuan Shi Kai (袁世凯), planned
to make himself emperor but the lack of support forced him to abandon the plan on 22 March 1916. Zhang Xun, a Qing loyalist, managed to restore the Qing dynasty for 12 days on 1 July 1917. Regional warlords consolidated their power while the Kuomintang attempted to unite China under its authority.

The Communist Party of China was founded in 1921 and competed with the Kuomintang for ideological control of China, even as the Japanese advanced from the northeast. A common front was created in December 1936 after the Xian incident (西安事件) when Kuomintang leader, Chiang Kai-Shek, was forced to form a united front with the communists against the Japanese.

External imperial powers held concession lands and trade privileges extracted from China since the late Qing period. In 1894, Japan, a relatively latecomer on the imperialism scene, expanded its interest in China with the start of the First Sino-Japanese War. In 1915, Japan made the “21 Demands” involving special rights in northeastern China. Despite public protests, the president of China gave in on 9 May 1915.

On 18 January 1919 at the Paris Peace Conference, Japan successfully claimed Germany’s concession in Shantung, although China was part of the allies. From 1928 to 1937, Japan initiated a series of “incidents” as a pretext for military action in China. Through these “incidents”, Japan set up the puppet state of Manchukuo and a series of buffer zones.

As the Sino-Japanese War developed, the Chinese seaports were either captured or blocked by the Japanese as they attempted to prevent supplies from entering China. In response, the Chinese government developed alternative land supply routes, including the Burma Road. The Burma Road became China’s most important supply route. The Singapore Free Press described it as “China’s new munitions and supplies route”.²

Construction of the Burma Road, between Yunnan in China and Lashio in Burma, began in 1937 with the objective of opening as soon as possible. Any modifications would be done afterwards. Two hundred engineers and more than 160,000 labourers equipped with very basic tools worked up to 12 hours a day to complete the Burma Road. Due to the shortage of equipment, traditional mechanical tools such as wooden water pumps and bamboo baskets were utilised.

The distance between Yunnan and Lashio was 320 miles, but, because of the mountainous terrain, the Burma Road was about 717 miles long, passing through 289 bridges and making 1,959 curves. The last 117 miles between Wanting and Lashio were located in Burma and built by the British. The Burma Road was opened in 1938.

Supplies were sent by sea to Rangoon (Yangon) port, transported by rail to Lashio and through the Burma Road (滇缅公路) to Kunming (昆明) in China. The journey from Kunming to Lashio took about a week and there were six stations along the route to support the drivers.

By the summer of 1939, China’s supplies came via airlift from Hong Kong, railroad through Indo-China, the Soviet supply line through Xinjiang and the Burma Road. The Japanese occupation of Indo-China (September 1940), Guangzhou (1938) and Hong Kong (December 1941) as well as the Japanese–Soviet Neutrality Pact (April 1941) closed off the respective supply routes except the Burma Road, which remained in service. All external supplies had to be sent through it, creating an urgent need for drivers and mechanics. About 3,200 volunteers from Nanyang (Southeast Asia) served on the Burma Road and about 1,000 died during the service.

In July 1940, Britain, under pressure from Japan, agreed to close the Burma Road. When it was reopened on 18 October 1940, the Japanese formed a “Committee for blockade of Burma Road” (滇缅公路封锁委员会) and used airbases in Hanoi, Vietnam³, to launch air raids. The Burma Road was in continuous use until the Japanese conquest of Burma in May 1942.

The Social Landscape of Singapore Before World War II

During the Sino-Japanese War, Southeast Asia, with the exception of Thailand, was under colonial rule and the region was known as Nanyang (南洋: South Seas). In colonial Singapore, the Chinese were legally classified as immigrants (citizens of the Republic of China) or local born (British subjects). Social differentiation among the Chinese occurred on the basis of cultural orientation and language — the Britain-oriented group and the China-oriented group.

Among the local-born Chinese, there was a subgroup that oriented itself towards the British. They communicated in English and Malay and many could not speak, read or write in Chinese. Most of them worked for British firms and the colonial government. Their highest academic honour was to win a Queen’s scholarship to study in London.

For this group of Chinese, social mobility across ethnic boundaries occurred through the mechanics of language and education. However, this mobility had its limitations, and barriers existed between Caucasians and Asians. For example, in the Asiatic Petroleum Company, Asian staff were expected to show respect to Caucasian staff. One of the ways Asians showed respect was by allowing Caucasians to enter and leave the lift before Asians. Failure to observe these unwritten rules was a sign of “lacking in respect”.⁴

Another account mentioned how a European manager told a Chinese diploma holder employed in the City Council: “You Asian fellow, you have no chance to be promoted to a manager. Don’t you ever smell it even though you have the qualification”. The person resigned, joined a Chinese rubber company and later became a successful businessman in the finance industry.

A majority of the Chinese spoke dialects and organised themselves along the lines of their home regions in China through the institution of clan associations. This category included both immigrants and the local born. Each dialect group reconstructed its cultural world and established a social hierarchy among its members. Their cultural world in Singapore was an extension of life in China. Most of them saw Singapore as a place of transit and they aspired to return to China, where home was.

They received Chinese education and would send their children back to China for higher education. Some of the migrants became very successful entrepreneurs but, despite being successful economically and away from China, they were still influenced by traditional Chinese values.

In the traditional social hierarchy, scholars, the literati and officials were at the top of this hierarchy while merchants were at the lowest rung (士农工商). Scholars in traditional China would study for years in the hope of emerging as top scholars in imperial examinations, leading to official careers. There was an inverse relationship between wealth and status.

While it was almost impossible for successful migrants to participate in the imperial examinations due to lack of education and the fact that grooming their children to become scholars would take a long time, the cultural system offered avenues to convert wealth into status. This was achieved through the purchase of official ranks, a product of traditional ideals and the economic reality migrants were acquainted with. This combination of economic achievement and an official rank became a social symbol of success. One example of such success was Low Kim Pong (刘金榜), a wealthy businessman, well-known philanthropist and the founder of Shuang Lin monastery, who bought ranks for himself, his parents and grandparents.

The successful and wealthy elite perceived themselves as a part of the larger community and would embark on social and charity projects. These projects also boosted their social standing.

The Shuang Lin monastery (莲山双林寺) was a product of such social dynamics. Low Kim Pong (刘金榜) founded the monastery in 1898 and invited Venerable Xian Hui (贤慧禅师) to be its first abbot. Low Kim Pong contributed the first donation of $500,0005 and 12 acres of land in Toa Payoh for the construction of Shuang Lin monastery. He was the single largest donor to the monastery.

The monastery was a common space serving the religious, social and cultural needs of the Chinese population. As a major landmark, it was featured in various postcards of the period and attracted many tourists. Schools also organised trips to the monastery.⁶ Social organisations also used the monastery grounds free-of-charge to organise fund-raising programmes during emergency periods such as floods in China.

The Overseas Chinese and World War II

Whenever a crisis occurred in China, local groups in Nanyang organised relief efforts to support victims. Initially these activities were local or private initiatives based on their home region. As Sino-Japanese relationship deteriorated, the Chinese community began to transcend regional differences to form a united front in support of relief efforts in China.

After the “July 7 incident”, the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce called a meeting to form the Singapore Overseas Chinese Relief Fund Committee⁷ (马来亚新加坡华侨筹赈祖国伤兵难民大会委员会) headed by Tan Kah Kee to coordinate relief efforts in Singapore. The British authorities met Tan Kah Kee a day before the meeting to set the conditions and stipulate that the activities must not affect Britain’s position as a neutral country.

In 1938, community leaders proposed a central institution to synchronise relief activities across the Nanyang region. There were about 80 million Chinese in the Nanyang region and the leaders believed relief work would be more effective with regional infrastructure and co-ordination.

A conference was organised on 10 October 1938 at the Nanyang Secondary School (南洋华侨中学). The event was attended by about 170 representatives from the region and is believed to be the first meeting of Chinese leaders in the history of Nanyang. The delegates came from many regions under different colonial authorities (the United Kingdom, the United States of America, France and the Netherlands) as well as governments friendly to Japan (e.g. Thailand).

The Nanyang Federation of China Relief Fund (南洋华侨筹赈祖国难民总会) was founded with Tan Kah Kee as its chairman and was headquartered in Singapore. The regional office was located at the Ee Hoe Hean Club (怡和轩) while representatives set up their local China Relief Fund offices to implement programmes and formed a large network all over Nanyang. The China Relief Fund transformed the Overseas Chinese population into a regional force in support of China.

The China Relief Fund raised funds by selling paper flowers, cookies and appealing for cash donations. They even brought in a choir (武汉歌唱团) from China to help raise funds. Unofficially, the Chinese population boycotted Japanese goods and businesses.

In Singapore, amusement park owners and businessmen, including hawkers, designated a day when their revenues or profits were donated to the China Relief Fund. Businesses supplied equipment, sponsored events and offered discounts to China Relief Fund purchases. Individuals made monthly and one-off donations, and participated in various fund-raising programmes and events.

The funds were used to purchase medication, medical equipment, clothing, food and military hardware such as planes, tanks, trucks, explosives, weapons and other military requirements.⁸

The China Relief Fund organised meetings, rallies, fund-raising events and performances to educate the public about the war. The Shuang Lin monastery was a venue for some of these programmes. The organisers would place anti-Japanese flyers and posters, with slogans such as “Down with Japanese Empire”, in the monastery grounds. Organisers had to apply for permission from the abbot (Venerable Pu Liang). The monastery offered its location but was not involved in the programmes or activities.

Drivers and Mechanics from Nanyang (南洋华侨机工)

After the fall of Canton (广州) in October 1938, most of the 20,000 tons of arms in Hong Kong were sent to Rangoon (Yangon) in British Burma (Myanmar). Meanwhile, the Nationalist government’s logistic
arm, Southwest Transport Company (西南运速公司), was transferred to Singapore. Due to the lack of experienced drivers and mechanics, Song Ziliang (宋子良), director of the Southwest Transport Company, requested that Tan Kah Kee recruit drivers and mechanics to serve on the land routes in Vietnam and Burma. The Chinese government would provide food, accommodation and medical support but not salary.

In response to the request, the China Relief Fund raised funds, donated trucks, recruited and trained volunteer drivers and mechanics. The first recruitment notice was issued on 7 February 1939.⁹

The notice called for experienced drivers aged between 20 and 40 years, with local driving licences, basic literacy, in good health and with no bad habits. The monthly salary that would be provided was 30 yuan with possible increment for experienced volunteers. The China Relief Fund local offices were in charge of recruitment and sending volunteers to Singapore to form a batch. Upon arriving in Kunming, they were trained at a local institute (潘家湾) for another two months. After training, most of them served on the Burma Road.¹⁰

Between February and August 1939, about 3,200 volunteers¹¹ left in nine batches. The majority of them were Chinese men, but there were also Indian and Malay men, and four Chinese women¹² (陈娇珍, 白雪娇, 朱雪珍, 李淑美). These volunteers were known as the Drivers and Mechanics from Nanyang (南侨机工).

China’s war-time leader, Chiang Kai Shek (蒋介石), stated that these volunteers’ “spontaneous offer of service to the country in the hour of crisis has not only brought material aid to China in the war of independence, but has also demonstrated to the world that the Chinese people everywhere are united by common loyalty”.¹³

Recruitment of Drivers and Mechanics in Singapore

The first batch of volunteers who registered at the Ee Hoe Hean Club was interviewed about their work experience. Candidates were accepted if they had a driving licence and were recommended by a corporate guarantor. The first batch consisted of 80 highly skilled volunteers and they left Singapore on 18 February 1939, on the eve of Chinese New Year, led by Pek Cheng Chuan (白清泉).

The increase in responses from potential candidates also came with an increase in applicants who had used borrowed licences to make up the driving license requirement, or who actually had very limited driving skills. Furthermore, feedback from China that extremely good driving skills were necessary to tackle the roads there resulted in the China Relief Fund deciding to test drivers and to establish a driving institute.

Despite the urgency of recruiting drivers and mechanics, the China Relief Fund implemented procedures to safeguard the interests of volunteers’ families. Beginning with the second batch, background checks were conducted on all candidates. Those who were sole breadwinners, only-sons or who had dependants were rejected. The committee advised them that while the country needed them, their family needed them, too. Instead of leaving for China, they could stay in Singapore and continue to participate in the struggle in other ways.

After the background checks, candidates whose driving licences displayed photographs were accepted. The remaining candidates were tested near Outram Road. Initially, the test involved basic driving of an empty truck. Feedback on road conditions resulted in the need to simulate road conditions in China. The candidates from the third or fourth batch onwards were subsequently tested on more difficult terrain at Neo Tiew Road (梁宙路), with loaded trucks to increase driving difficulty.

These who could not drive were recommended for training at the driving institute located in the Shuang Lin monastery. The coordinators included Ng Aik Huan (黄奕欢), Lau Boh Tan and a training committee formed by a group of skilled drivers.

Ng Aik Huan (黄奕欢) remembered the training and testing the candidates at the Shuang Lin monastery and described the training location as a “very big place” that was later acquired by the government for housing development. Low Cheng Jin mentioned that the training was conducted “behind the temple” where the “entry could be made [from] the other side, not necessarily through the temple’s gate”. The back of the temple was an open space with access roads.

On 7 July 1939, Tan Kah Kee issued a notice¹⁴ to call for more volunteers and cited recruitment efforts in Singapore. He highlighted the need to recruit 200 semi-skilled drivers who would be trained at a “distant location with rough terrain” for about three weeks. He recommended that other China Relief Fund local offices adopt similar strategies to produce more qualified volunteers. The “distinct location with rough terrain” he referred to was probably the land behind the monastery.

The Farewell

The Singapore volunteers and other Nanyang volunteers formed a batch. They stayed at the Tong Ji Hospital (同济医院) and dined at the Great Southern Hotel (南天大酒楼) while preparations were made for their departure. The Great Southern Hotel that sponsored the meals was a luxurious and popular entertainment spot for the wealthy in the 1930s. Later batches of volunteers lived and dined in the Great Southern Hotel.

Despite the stipulation that guarantors be required and background checks conducted, some volunteers still managed to participate without the foreknowledge of their family members. Most of them informed their families while they were waiting for their departure.

On the departure day, China Relief Fund leaders such as Tan Kah Kee and Ng Aik Huan¹⁵ gave speeches at the Tong Ji Hospital¹⁶, and family members and friends turned up to say goodbye.

The farewell was highly emotional and for many of the 3,200 volunteers and their families, the send-off at the harbour would be their final farewell. They would never see each other again.

The volunteer drivers and mechanics belonged to the working class and many gave up relatively high-paying jobs in Singapore. A newly-married Cantonese mechanic, Wang Jing Zhen (黄景镇), gave up his 200 Straits dollar (叻币) monthly job to volunteer on the Burma Road.¹⁷ As a volunteer, his monthly salary was nine Straits dollars¹⁸ or 30 Chinese yuan.

Their efforts were greatly appreciated by the public. Local organisations and associations organised their own farewell events and the volunteers were invited to concerts and given seats of honour. The local Chinese press covered these events extensively. Privately, friends gave gifts, cash, bought dinners and some even supported the families of volunteers.

The Japanese Invasion of Singapore and Sook Ching (肃清)

As Peninsular Malaya fell to the Japanese, the British began preparations for the defence of Singapore. On 7 February 1942, Japan began the invasion of Singapore. By 12 February, the Japanese had captured many strategic areas of Singapore while the British retreated into the “Final Perimeter”, the last defence area surrounding the town area in Singapore. On 15 February, the Japanese secured control of reservoirs. Inside Singapore’s town area, water pipes were damaged during the fighting and water flowed to waste. There was insufficient petrol, food and ammunition. The Allied commander, Lieutenant-General Arthur Percival, held a meeting with his commanders during which he decided that surrender was the only option.

After the fall of Singapore, Japan’s priority was to bring the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) under its control. The 25th Army was tasked to capture Indonesia while Singapore was to be guarded by the Defence Force.

The Japanese interned the European population, rounded up Allied troops as Prisoners Of War (POWs) and turned their attention to the Chinese population. Lieutenant-Colonel Tsuji wanted the 25th army to eradicate anti-Japanese elements before they left Singapore. He initiated the “Sook Ching” (肃清, 大检证) to “clean up all anti-Japanese elements”.¹⁹ It was to be carried out by the No. 2 Field Kempei Tai Group.

All Chinese males between 18 and 50 years of age were informed to assemble at five assembly points at noon on 21 February 1942.²⁰ This was communicated through notices, public announcements and by Japanese soldiers. The Japanese soldiers also arrested suspects and ensured that civilians reported to inspection points.²¹

The targets were “all anti-Japanese elements including the Chinese volunteers who fought so tenaciously against the Japanese, all members of the China Relief Fund, and other anti-Japanese organisations”.²² Once identified, the victims were “executed in cold blood”.²³ The most wanted man was Tan Kah Kee.

One of the assembly points was in Jalan Besar; it was under the charge of the Oishi Unit, headed by Lieutenant Onishi, Chief of Kempei Tai Special Branch.²⁴ The implementation was chaotic and Japanese soldiers had no systematic basis of identification of anti-Japanese elements. They would look for tattoos as an association with secret societies and those who had tattoos were detained.²⁵ Others were questioned about their occupation, employer and background. People in sensitive occupations were detained.²⁶ Interpreters were also present to encourage volunteers to identify themselves, promising safety and even jobs.²⁷ Other collaborators asked for information and whereabouts of Tan Kah Kee.²⁸

The anti-Japanese suspects were marched to Victoria School, where their hands and knees were tied, and transported to Changi Beach “just outside the wire of the Changi Prisoner of War camp”.²⁹ Upon arrival, they were lined along the beaches and at the signal of a whistle, Japanese soldiers fired their machine guns at them. To ensure that the prisoners were dead, bodies were bayoneted but some victims still managed to survive.

Many survivors were helped by Allied POWs who gave them medical attention and food.³⁰ Some survivors were smuggled into British hospitals inside the prison camps.³¹

The operation lasted for two months.³² Although the operation was to be carried out in secrecy, it was not difficult for the local population to suspect what had happened. The Syonan Times mentioned “recent arrest of hostile and rebellious Chinese”³³ and the need to “sweep away these treacherous Chinese elements”. The昭南日报 (a Chinese newspaper) announced on 21 and 22 February 1942³⁴ the execution of anti-Japanese elements, including a Chinese Relief Fund member, Yang Zhan Wen (杨赞文). The population in Singapore was also aware of Japanese atrocities in China.³⁵ The survivors who had escaped would have had spread news of the massacres among their families and friends although many of the families had hoped or believed their loved ones had been sent away as labourers.

Only the senior Japanese officials knew the extent of the massacre. The Japanese believed Sook Ching claimed 6,000³⁶ lives while the local Chinese estimate is 50,000.³⁷ Sook Ching has been described as “one of the worst atrocities of the Pacific theatre”.³⁸

People

Venerable Pu Liang (普亮法师)

Venerable Pu Liang³⁹, whose family name was Xiao (萧), lived in Hui An (惠安) in southern China. He entered monkhood in Xichan Si (西禅寺) , Fuzhou province. In 1912, he arrived in Singapore and lived in Shuang Lin monastery.

In 1917, Venerable Pu Liang became the 10th Abbot of Shuang Lin monastery — a duty he performed for 25 years — and became one of the longest serving abbots in Shuang Lin monastery.⁴⁰ From 1937 till his execution, Venerable Pu Liang served as chairperson of the Chinese Buddhist Association (星洲中华佛教 会) , a Buddhist charity and social association.

Venerable Pu Liang had two disciples assisting him in temple management. They performed the functions of an accountant and a clerk and both assistants were “very devoted⁴¹” to Venerable Pu Liang. Low Cheng Jin⁴², grandson of Low Kim Pong (founder of Shuang Lin monastery), used to visit the monastery. During school holidays, he and his friends would stay there for a few days. He had various opportunities to interact with the abbot and described him as a “very pleasant and jovial person” who was effective in temple management and had everything in “apple-pie order”. The abbot was able to answer questions “very quickly and very satisfactorily”.

Venerable Pu Liang seemed to be a highly regarded and well-respected person who enjoyed wide support across different sectors of the Chinese community. During the Sino-Japanese war, he was involved in various activities to support the China Relief Fund and to help war victims. A Chinese newspaper described him as “very active in relief work”.⁴³

In 1939, he organised a prayer session for the victims of the “July 7 incident” that was attended by the Chinese community and religious leaders. He also participated frequently in memorial ceremonies held in other institutions. During a monastery festival in April 1939, he worked with students from a Chinese school (华民学校) to sell flowers in support of the China Relief Fund.⁴⁴

Zhu Jing Cang (朱经沧), a China Relief Fund member, proposed to raise funds at the monastery during the Vesak Day celebrations in 1939. Venerable Pu Liang agreed and offered to donate Vesak Day vegetarian meal contributions to the China Relief Fund. This event was known as “Shuang Lin monastery Vesak Day Vegetarian Meal Fundraising Event” (双林寺释迦佛祖诞辰斋筵助赈会).

Contributions during festive events are the main source of funds for a monastery’s operation and maintenance. Vesak Day commemorates the birth, enlightenment and passing away of the historic Buddha, and is one of the most important days in the Buddhist calendar. For these reasons, Venerable Pu Liang’s donation of Vesak Day contributions represented a significant percentage of monastery funds.

During a speech to announce this event⁴⁵, Venerable Pu Liang explained that in times of crisis, every citizen, regardless of age, sex or religion, had a duty to serve the country. As an abbot, he had limited resources but he could serve by holding memorial services for war victims. He was also willing to contribute Vesak Day vegetarian meal contributions to the China Relief Fund.

Community leaders were invited to be honorary committee members, and fund-raising meal tickets were sold through various temples and monasteries. As the monastery was outside the city area, the organisers offered a free shuttle service between Rochor Road and the monastery. They even repaired nearby roads for easy passage. An opera troupe (金玉莲剧团) offered to perform for free while a company (松林公司) bought 200 Straits dollars worth of tickets.⁴⁶ At least 42⁴⁷ corporate supporters sponsored food, equipment and transport.

The event was held on 28 May 1939⁴⁸ in the monastery and attracted “a few thousand” participants. The preaching hall (法堂) was converted into a memorial hall and Venerable Pu Liang led the prayers for fallen soldiers and war victims while China Relief Fund members made speeches. Outside the hall, stages were set up for musical, magic and other performances. Vegetarian meals were served to all ticket holders. This event raised about 10,000 Straits dollars for the China Relief Fund and was considered an important event covered by major newspapers.⁴⁹ Photos of the event appeared on the front page of a Chinese newspaper⁵⁰ (星中日报).

Wu Hui Min (吴惠民)

Wu Hui Min⁵¹ (original name Wu Zhong Biao) was born in 1919 in Hainan, China. His father passed away when he was three years old. In 1934, when he was 15, his family sent him to Singapore to live with his uncle who worked for the Wu clan association (吴氏工会) in Singapore.

While in Singapore, he worked for the Wu association and had the opportunity to read the newspapers (for example, the 南洋商报 and 新洲日报) every day, which updated him on developments in the Sino-Japanese War. He participated in fund-raising activities such as selling flowers and attending rallies as well as in boycotting Japanese goods.

In 1938 he was arrested at a protest march against the Japanese invasion of Guangzhou. The protest march had moved from Chinatown to High Street (水仙门) where flag bearers of the march were arrested. As one was arrested, another participant would take up the flag, resulting in the arrest of more than ten participants. The public sent detainees coffee and bread as a sign of support.

In 1939, Hainan Island fell to the Japanese and Wu Zhong Biao felt a deep sense of loss. He wanted to contribute towards the war effort as he felt that he did not have a home to return to (无家可归), and also that in times of crisis everyone should do whatever he/she could (有钱出钱有力出力).

During this time, Wu Zhong Biao came across a China Relief Fund advertisement calling for volunteers to serve on the Burma Road. He decided to volunteer but met with disapproval from his family, so he changed his name to Wu Hui Min to avoid his family’s detection. He also changed his age on record to 20 in order to meet the age criteria. He followed the instructions in the advertisement and went to register at the Shuang Lin monastery.⁵² He could not recall which part of Shuang Lin monastery he stayed in and he did not meet any monks or anyone from the monastery. He remembered only that it was “a very big place”. All volunteers lived and trained in the driving institute. They started the day with morning exercise followed by military training and driving lessons. A few trainees shared a truck and took turns to drive.

After three weeks of training, Wu Hui Min joined 506 others to form the ninth batch. They stayed at the Great Southern Hotel and left Singapore on 14 August 1939. At 6 am, they gathered at the Tongji Hospital and left for Tanjong Pagar harbour at 10 am. The harbour was already crowded with people who came to send them off. As the vessel Feng Qing (丰庆号) left the harbour at 3 pm, the crowds sang to encourage them and to bid them farewell.⁵³

To volunteers like Wu Hui Min, the Japanese occupation of their home (Hainan) ignited a drive to channel their despair of personal loss towards protecting their larger cultural homeland.

Consequences

Sook Ching and Shuang Lin monastery

During Sook Ching in early 1942, a group of Japanese soldiers arrived at the Shuang Lin monastery to arrest Venerable Pu Liang. Just before the fall of Singapore, Venerable Pu Liang decided to lock the monastery door for safety as many people had fled into the monastery for refuge from the chaos outside. The door was supposed to have been locked “for about a week”.⁵⁴

The Japanese soldiers had to force their way in and, upon entering, they immediately arrested Venerable Pu Liang and his two assisting disciples while the others were ordered to squat along the corridors. They proceeded to search the rooms of Venerable Pu Liang, opening up trunks and lockers. Low Cheng Jin, who was present, believed the Japanese were looking for evidence of Venerable Pu Liang’s “anti-Japanese” activities. Ng Aik Huan believed the Japanese found some belongings and marketing materials belonging to the driving institute’s volunteers.⁵⁵

Venerable Pu Liang, his two disciples and others in the monastery were taken to the Jalan Besar inspection point. Most of the people who reported to Jalan Besar were released about a week later, but these three men did not return. The monastery sent people to search for them but could not find them and no news of them was received. They, like China Relief Fund Leader Ng Aik Huan, concluded that the Japanese had executed them. Although Venerable Pu Liang had participated actively in support of relief work, many other Buddhist/Taoist organisations had held similar events. For example, in July 1939, a seven-day Chinese opera was put up at Tian Fu Gong (天福宫) to raise funds for the China Relief Fund.⁵⁶ The Chinese Chamber

of Commerce, whose chairman was Tan Kah Kee, Japan’s most wanted man, managed Tian Fu Gong. However, during the Japanese occupation, temples57 managed by the Chinese Chamber of Commerce were not disturbed₅₈, as in general, Japanese troops were advised not to disturb religious institutions.⁵⁹ The monks from the major Buddhist institutions⁶⁰ that participated in memorial services and China Relief Fund activities were unharmed. This included Venerable Rui Yu (瑞于师), Abbot of Seng Hong Temple (都城隍庙) who had donated money⁶¹, participated in China Relief Fund programmes and was frequently mentioned in the newspapers.

The Burma Road however, was seen as China’s major lifeline and the Japanese attempted to terminate it through diplomatic and military means. The fall of Singapore was perceived as the next step for the Burma Road “to be completely cut off in the near future62”. Perhaps for this reason, Venerable Pu Liang was accused of crossing the line. The Japanese soldiers who went to Shuang Lin monastery probably knew who they wanted and for what “crimes”.

Even though Venerable Pu Liang offered only the physical place, the driving institute was part of the larger network to supply volunteers to the Burma Road. Shuang Lin monastery as a recruitment and training ground for volunteers to the Burma Road had been reported in the press and training was conducted in open space visible to people around the monastery, so it was not difficult for the Japanese to know about it. From the Japanese perspective, “volunteer” meant “guerrilla”.⁶³

That may have explained why the abbot’s rooms and the monastery were searched. In most accounts, the Japanese guards would arrive to inform residents about the inspection but would not search the place. Like most of the victims from the Jalan Besar Inspection Point, Venerable Pu Liang and his two disciples could have been executed at the Changi beach.

Venerable Pu Liang was probably the only Chinese Buddhist religious leader64 executed and he and his two disciples were probably the only Chinese monks executed during the Sook Ching.

After the execution of Venerable Pu Liang, Venerable RuiYu became chairperson of the Chinese Buddhist Association (星洲中华佛教会) . He requested permission from the Japanese authorities to resume the association’s activities.⁶⁵

In 1947, the Singapore Buddhist Association (新加坡中华佛教会) held a memorial service for Venerable Pu Liang. The commemorative banner paid tribute to Venerable Pu Liang’s sacrifice. (卫法捐生，是能无畏施，证真断感，不入有余依)⁶⁶

A POW Witness

A British POW, John Hamilton Wadge⁶⁷, might have witnessed the execution of Venerable Pu Liang. Wadge was 24 years old when he volunteered for service on 4 September 1939, a day after Britain declared war on Germany.⁶⁸ He was a corporal, Service Number S/93369, and was part of the Royal Army Service Corps attached to the 53rd Infantry Brigade, part of the 18th Division. He was under the impression that he would serve in the Middle East. However, after the Pearl Harbour attack (7 December 1941, Hawaiian time; 8 December 1941. Japan Standard Time), the infantry brigade was diverted to Singapore. They arrived in Singapore on 13 January 1942 and left for Malaya the following day.

Following the fall of Malaya, the 18th Division retreated to Singapore and was assigned to protect the northern shores of Singapore. On the day of surrender (15 February 1942), the 53rd Infantry Brigade was stationed along Braddell Road. Wadge’s group probably moved southwards along Thompson Road and took shelter in an abandoned house, the former residence of a Michelin employee who had evacuated from Singapore. They were taken as POWs in this house and transferred to the Changi area.

Wadge mentioned witnessing three Chinese monks in robes being executed at the beach. In October 1942, he was transferred north with the “Q” party and was liberated from an Indo-China camp. He returned to Britain and passed away in 2002.

Conclusion

In pre-World War II Nanyang, the Chinese population’s cultural reference was China. China defined who they were and shaped their aspirations. To them, World War II was the larger theatre of conflict that merged with the Second Sino-Japanese War when China declared war on Japan on 8 December 1941. The Japanese occupation of Malaya and Singapore became the closing chapter of resistance that began as early as 1915.

The volunteers serving on the Burma Road and their supporters came from all walks of life — ordinary, average persons on the street. Their decisions and actions were propelled by a culturally conditioned worldview. Through their actions, these individuals became the embodiment of global-local forces and their stories enable us to understand how an event influenced and impacted individuals and how their actions shaped the course of the Sino-Japanese War.

Much has changed since the end of World War II. The Chinese in Nanyang became citizens of the countries in Southeast Asia. Singapore has evolved from a Third World country to a First World country. English is the first language in the education system, Mandarin is taught as a second language and the simplified Chinese script is used in the Chinese media.

In enshrining these memories at a specific physical location, the Shuang Lin monastery at Toa Payoh in Singapore stands as a place to remember the passion these volunteers had and whose abbot paid a heavy price during the Sook Ching. It is one of the few “living” institutions⁶⁹ where we remember our pioneers who have left us with a legacy.

Shuang Lin monastery was gazetted as a National Monument on 17 October 1980 and has embarked on a restoration project that continues to this day. “Storm in Shuang Lin” is written to document the works of ordinary people and sectoral leaders during World War II who have contributed Singapore’s collective memory as a nation.

The paper concludes with a poem Ng Aik Huan narrated when he discussed the motivations of volunteers who went to the Burma Road. He compared a volunteer’s passion to the Song Dynasty’s resistance of Mongol invasion:

过零丁洋

辛苦遭逢起一经，干戈寥落四周.

山河破碎风飘絮，身世沉浮雨打萍.

惶恐滩头说惶恐，零丁洋里叹零丁.

人生自古谁无死，留取丹心照汗青.⁷⁰